宋云峰

《一路到底》（All the Way， dir. Jay Roach， 2016）是HBO電視網(wǎng)投拍的一部關(guān)于美國第36任總統(tǒng)林登·約翰遜的傳記電影，改編自申坎（Robert Schenkkan）的同名戲劇。2016年5月21日在HBO電視網(wǎng)首播后，《一路到底》受到影評人的高度評價，克蘭斯頓（Brian Cranston）飾演的約翰遜尤其得到贊揚，并獲得電視評論家協(xié)會獎和黃金時段艾米獎多項提名。

與大多數(shù)名人傳記片試圖將人物一生的主要經(jīng)歷展示給觀眾不同，《一路到底》聚焦于約翰遜從1963年11月因肯尼迪遇刺而繼任美國總統(tǒng)到1964年11月贏得美國總統(tǒng)大選短短一年的時光，涉及當(dāng)時眾多的政界名人，并且以《民權(quán)法案》艱難的立法過程為中心展現(xiàn)約翰遜的性格特征和美國當(dāng)時的政治生態(tài)，仿佛壓縮版的《紙牌屋》（House of Cards）。

All the Way is a 2016 American HBO biographical television drama film based on events of the presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson directed by Jay Roach and adapted by Robert Schenkkan from his play with the same title. The film stars Bryan Cranston， who reprises（重新演繹）his role as Johnson from the plays 2014 Broadway production.

After it was broadcast on HBO on May 21， 2016， All the Way was well received by critics， with Cranstons portrayal of Johnson garnering（獲得）praise. It has been nominated for a Television Critics Association Award for Outstanding Achievement in Movies， Miniseries（迷你?。゛nd Specials， with Cranston also nominated for Individual Achievement in Drama for his work on the film. It got nominated for eight Primetime Emmy Awards， including Outstanding Television Movie as well as acting nominations for Cranston.

林登·約翰遜其人其事

林登·約翰遜（1908—1973），1961—1963年美國第37任副總統(tǒng)，1963—1969年美國第36任總統(tǒng)。早在20世紀(jì)50年代在美國參議院擔(dān)任少數(shù)黨和多數(shù)黨領(lǐng)袖期間，約翰遜就以強勢作風(fēng)著稱，在推進(jìn)立法的過程中經(jīng)常使用脅迫手段迫使有影響的議員妥協(xié)就范。1963年11月，肯尼迪總統(tǒng)遇刺身亡，時任副總統(tǒng)的約翰遜宣誓就任美國第36任總統(tǒng)，并于翌年11月戰(zhàn)勝共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人戈德華特，贏得大選的勝利，任職到1969年。

Lyndon Baines Johnson （August 27， 1908—January 22， 1973）， often referred to as LBJ， was an American politician who served as the 36th President of the United States from 1963 to 1969， assuming the office after serving as the 37th Vice President of the United States from 1961 to 1963. As a leader in the Senate， Johnson became known for his domineering（盛氣凌人的）personality and the “Johnson treatment”， his aggressive coercion（脅迫）of powerful politicians to advance legislation. On November 22， 1963， Kennedy was shot in Dallas， Texas， and died the same day while hospitalized； Johnson succeeded Kennedy as president. The following year， Johnson won a landslide（壓倒性的勝利）in 1964 presidential election， defeating Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona.

在任期間，約翰遜設(shè)計了“偉大社會”的立法和改革計劃，不遺余力地推進(jìn)美國在民權(quán)、公共廣播、醫(yī)療保障、教育、藝術(shù)、城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展和公共服務(wù)方面的立法。借助于其在任期間的經(jīng)濟增長，他著名的“向貧窮開戰(zhàn)”計劃使得數(shù)百萬美國人脫離了貧困。他主導(dǎo)通過的《民權(quán)法案》（1964）禁止在公共設(shè)施、州際貿(mào)易、工作地點和住房待遇方面的種族歧視。1965年主導(dǎo)通過的《投票權(quán)法案》則宣布美國南方各州限制黑人選舉登記的規(guī)定和行為為非法。因此，約翰遜總統(tǒng)的任期標(biāo)志著羅斯?！靶抡币詠憩F(xiàn)代自由主義的巔峰。

In domestic policy， Johnson designed the “Great Society” legislation by expanding civil rights， public broadcasting， Medicare（老年人醫(yī)療保健制度）， Medicaid（針對低收入者的醫(yī)療補助制度）， aid to education， the arts， urban and rural development， public services， and his “War on Poverty”. Assisted in part by a growing economy， the War on Poverty helped millions of Americans rise above the poverty line during his administration. The Civil Rights Act that he signed into law banned racial discrimination in public facilities， interstate commerce（州際貿(mào)易）， the workplace， and housing； the Voting Rights Act prohibited certain requirements in southern states used to disenfranchise（剝奪？？的選舉權(quán)）African Americans. Johnsons presidency marked the peak of modern liberalism after the New Deal（羅斯福新政）era.endprint

約翰遜為人詬病的是其外交政策，即卷入越南戰(zhàn)爭并由此觸發(fā)了美國大規(guī)模的反戰(zhàn)運動?？傮w上歷史學(xué)家對約翰遜的評價較為正面。

In foreign policy， Johnson escalated（逐步升級）American involvement in the Vietnam War. As American casualties（傷亡人員）soared and the peace process bogged down（停滯不前）， growing unease with the war stimulated a large， angry antiwar movement based especially on university campuses.

《一路到底》的特色

《一路到底》是一部高質(zhì)量的劇情傳記片，之所以受到好評是因為它具備了一部好電影的主要要素。第一，《一路到底》聚焦于約翰遜總統(tǒng)短短一年的政治生活，而非面面俱到的人生傳記。影片敘事緊緊圍繞《民權(quán)法案》立法和約翰遜爭取民主黨總統(tǒng)提名這兩件大事進(jìn)行，有利于通過許多細(xì)節(jié)來展示矛盾沖突并塑造人物突出的性格特點。

第二，影片將民權(quán)運動背景下多層面的政治矛盾和訴求抽絲剝繭、有條不紊地展現(xiàn)給觀眾，吸引觀眾探究約翰遜是如何處理這一系列錯綜復(fù)雜的矛盾沖突并贏得大選勝利的。觀眾通過該片對美國的兩黨政治和府院（總統(tǒng)與國會）關(guān)系以及民主黨內(nèi)的派系分別都會有更加深入的認(rèn)識。例如，民主黨代表大會召開前夕代表民主黨自由派的休伯特·漢弗萊（Hubert Humphrey，支持并推進(jìn)《民權(quán)法案》在國會通過）、代表南方保守派的理查德·羅素（Richard Russell Jr.，反對并阻礙《民權(quán)法案》在國會通過）以及第三方美國黑人民權(quán)運動領(lǐng)袖馬丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.，支持《民權(quán)法案》在國會通過，但要求法案必須賦予黑人完全的選舉投票權(quán)）都想通過約翰遜總統(tǒng)達(dá)到他們各自的利益訴求。約翰遜本來是全力支持《民權(quán)法案》的，但為了在選舉年得到南方保守派的提名支持（并防止民主黨分裂），他不得不以去掉黑人投票權(quán)條款作為妥協(xié)。同時，他又要說服自由派和民權(quán)派接受這一妥協(xié)結(jié)果。可以說，《一路到底》展現(xiàn)的矛盾性和戲劇性就像是電影版的《紙牌屋》。

第三，在影片中，演員對主要人物（都是政界名人）不同個性的塑造非常成功，與本人對照的話可以說是惟妙惟肖、神形兼?zhèn)?，抓住了人物的主要特點。例如，克蘭斯頓對約翰遜的塑造既突出了他強勢霸道的性格特征，又刻畫了他溫馨（例如待跟隨自己多年的老秘書華特就像自己的兒子）和脆弱的一面（在壓力極大的時刻的幾近崩潰和放棄）。影片對其他人物的塑造也相當(dāng)成功，例如保守派領(lǐng)袖羅素的老練文雅、自由派領(lǐng)袖漢弗萊的理想主義與現(xiàn)實主義（自己想當(dāng)副總統(tǒng)）之間的糾結(jié)、馬丁·路德·金在爭取黑人民權(quán)的復(fù)雜斗爭中的妥協(xié)和分寸感、第一夫人克勞迪婭（Claudia “Lady Bird”）忍辱負(fù)重、委曲求全的賢惠。甚至連聯(lián)邦調(diào)查局局長胡佛（Edgar Hoover）欺下（監(jiān)聽政客的電話，敲詐馬丁·路德·金）媚上（取悅約翰遜）的狡詐性格都塑造得入木三分。正因為如此，《一路到底》上映后獲得了普遍的好評。

故事情節(jié)

Lyndon Johnson becomes President of the United States after the John F. Kennedy assassination（暗殺）， assisted and advised by his wife Lady Bird. Johnson enters the White House but soon must work on the passage of the Civil Rights Ac（t民權(quán)法案）. Martin Luther King Jr. pressures Johnson to pass the bill without amendments（修改）that would defang（弱化）it； Southern Democrats such as Richard Russell Jr.of Georgia oppose the bill so much that they may abandon the Democratic Party if the bill passes， and Republicans and Democrats on the fence（騎墻派）offer amendments opposed by the liberals and the Civil Rights activists. At the same time， Johnson wants to declare a War on Poverty. The Gulf of Tonkin incident（北部灣事件）in Vietnam causes Johnson to ask Congress for a resolution endorsing（公開贊同）a reprisal（報復(fù)）against the Vietnamese， wary of being outflanked（被側(cè)翼包圍）on the issue by the Republicans.

After successful passage of the Civil Rights Act over a filibuster（用無休止辯論的方式阻礙議案通過）， Johnson contends for election against Barry Goldwater（戈德華特，共和黨總統(tǒng)候選人）in the 1964 presidential election. This is complicated by the Freedom Summer movement（民權(quán)運動組織在美國南方推進(jìn)黑人選民登記的活動）and pulls（較勁，較量）between the northern liberal wing and conservative， Southern Dixiecrat（美國南部民主黨人）wing of the Democratic Party. Johnson assigns J. Edgar Hoover to investigate the outrageous（駭人的）murders of Freedom Summer activists Chaney， Goodman， and Schwerner in Mississippi. The state of Mississippi also sends two delegations（代表團(tuán)）to the Democratic National Convention（民主黨全國代表大會）in Atlantic City： the “normal” delegation from the Dixiecrat wing， which threatened to walk out on（遺棄）Johnson， and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party （MFDP）， a renegade（造反的，反叛的）wing supported by the Civil Rights Movement， but strongly opposed by other Southerners. Johnson， in a bid to（為了）save the South， offers the MFDP a compromise that satisfies neither side； the Mississippi delegation walks out， and the MFDP is unhappy with the two at-large（代表全州的）delegates offered to them.endprint

Johnson hits Goldwater hard in the election， portraying him as a dangerous fanatic（狂熱分子）who will destroy the world， but is worried about the election result. Johnsons aide and friend Walter Jenkins is arrested for “disorderly conduct”（指同性戀行為）after he is found in a tryst（約會地點）with another man in a public restroom； Johnson has an uncomfortable conversation with Hoover on how this fact slipped（滑脫，漏掉）by security screening（安全篩查）. As the leader of the peaceful civil rights movement， Martin Luther King wins the Nobel Peace Prize； Hoover， still distrusting King， sends him an insulting， anonymous（匿名的）letter demanding King to commit suicide， which is ignored. Eventually， Johnson wins the election conclusively（決定性地）， but the Democratic Party loses the states of the Deep South（南方腹地）.

Hints of the Vietnam War， the Great Society programs against poverty， the Voting Rights Act of 1965， and the continuing loss of the South to the Republicans are given at the end.

經(jīng)典臺詞

Johnson Negotiates with Martin Luther King

King： You promised this country a civil rights bill， Mr. President. And the voting rights components is critical.

Johnson： Absolutely critical， and were gonna fix that. Just not in this bill. Right now， were gonna take care of segregation（種族隔離）in public accommodations first. You know， every year， my cook Zephyr Wright—oh， the best damn chicken fried steak you ever put in your mouth—well， every year， she and her husband drive my Packard（美國豪華汽車品牌，1958年破產(chǎn)）from Washington back down to the ranch（牧場）for me. Well， now， Zephyr， she cant use any restrooms on those highways ‘cause theyre all whites only（僅供白人使用）. She got to squat（蹲下）in a field by the side of the road to pee like a dog. Now， thats just not right， and by God， were gonna fix that.

King： Well， nothing in this country will ever change until Negroes can vote.

Johnson： The next bill will be voting rights.

King： After President Kennedys election， Eisenhower（艾森豪威爾）had publicly declared that his party had taken the Negro vote for granted（對黑人選票太不在意）. I would hate to see the Democratic Party make the same mistake.

Johnson： If you think Barry Goldwaters a legitimate heir（繼承人）to Abraham Lincoln（林肯，以贏得南北戰(zhàn)爭和廢除南方的奴隸制著稱）， you should vote for him. You know， civil rights isnt the only thing Im interested in， Dr. King. We got people in this country living in unbelievable poverty. I know. I grew up like that in the Hill Country. Picking cotton on my hands and knees（四肢著地）， harnessed（套上馬具，利用）like a mule to a road plow， living off（靠？？生活）the bitter charity of my neighbors. But were gonna change all that. Were gonna declare a war on poverty.

King： A war on poverty？

Johnson： Thats right. Now， I got all kinds of federal programs in mind， on health， education， literacy（讀寫能力）， jobs， you name it. Were gonna change this country top to bottom.

King： That sounds extraordinary.

Johnson： There you go.

King： And I would very enthusiastically support legislation to that effect. But right now， I need to be able to go back to my people and tell them that this president is committed to civil rights， and that this bill， even without voting rights， will still be a strong bill with no further changes. If I cant do that， Ill lose their faith. And in their despair， I—I dont know whatll happen.

Johnson： Is that a threat？

King： I dont want riots any more than you do. But... in order to avoid that type of situation， I need to be able to deliver meaningful reform.

Johnson： Okay.endprint