李郁蔥
文化篇
當(dāng)時(shí)的浙江,現(xiàn)在講起來實(shí)在是人文鼎盛。大致可以把這些人納入“浙東學(xué)派”的核心:黃宗羲、萬斯大、萬斯同、邵廷采、全祖望、章學(xué)誠、邵晉涵等,他們基本生活在寧波、紹興一帶……
“明夷于飛垂其翼,君子于行三日不食。人攸往,主人有言?!?/p>
這是《周易》六十四卦中的第三十六卦,卦象為“離下坤上”,即地在上,火在下。黃宗羲把它用到了自己最重要的那本著述的名字里。按照卦象去解釋,太陽處于大地之下,即光明消失,黑暗來臨,而患難中有智慧的人在等待。
這本書叫做《明夷待訪錄》,共計(jì)21篇,抨擊“家天下”的君主制度。黃宗羲在后世有“中國思想啟蒙之父”的美譽(yù),和這部書的傳世有著很大的關(guān)聯(lián)。
一
黃宗羲大概是我最早知道的歷史名人之一,很有幸,和他是同鄉(xiāng)。在余姚市中心的龍泉山上,有嚴(yán)子陵、王陽明、朱舜水、黃梨洲4位先賢的雕像。而位于南山腰的中天閣,建于五代,曾為王守仁講學(xué)處,亦稱陽明書院,現(xiàn)在是梨洲文獻(xiàn)館,冥冥中似乎暗示著兩者之間的一種傳承關(guān)系。
我兒童時(shí)代最熟悉的去處就是這龍泉山了,所以對于這4位歷史人物比較熟悉。關(guān)于黃宗羲,我在孩提時(shí)代就覺得他是了不得的大人物,看看他的名、字、號就知道了,那么長的一串:字太沖,一字德冰,號南雷,別號梨洲老人、梨洲山人、藍(lán)水漁人、魚澄洞主、雙瀑院長、古藏室史臣等;而加諸他名字前的頭銜更是炫目:經(jīng)學(xué)家、史學(xué)家、思想家、地理學(xué)家、天文歷算學(xué)家、教育家……童心容易崇拜,對黃宗羲覺得神秘而不可測,這樣的通才是何等了得!
略長大,被王陽明的心學(xué)所吸引,而此身也已到了省城,黃宗羲于我,大抵就是故鄉(xiāng)的一個符號。重新去讀黃宗羲,才發(fā)現(xiàn)走入另外一個精彩:如果說王陽明是以精神和意念去完成人生的理想,黃宗羲則是人世的隱痛和行動。
一條錢塘江,把浙江分成了浙東和浙西。在時(shí)間的上游,一條大江無疑是天塹,我從余姚到杭州,如果按照以前的地理概念,就是從浙東遷居到了浙西。從浙西再去看浙東,那就有意思了,比如是以黃宗羲為標(biāo)志人物的“浙東學(xué)派”。
浙東人才輩出,“浙東學(xué)派”的定義也不盡相同,比如說兩宋時(shí)期的“四明學(xué)派”,明代的“陽明學(xué)派”等,從地域的屬性去看,這些學(xué)派的代表人物均是浙東人士,更深一層地去看,在學(xué)術(shù)理論上也有一定的傳承關(guān)系,比如王陽明成就事功的價(jià)值觀,直接導(dǎo)向黃宗羲所提倡的“經(jīng)世致用”的本源,把他們統(tǒng)稱為“浙東學(xué)派”同樣妥帖。但我們常常說到的“浙東學(xué)派”,在傳統(tǒng)學(xué)術(shù)中盛極一時(shí),概念上就是特指明末清初以黃宗羲為代表人物的浙江學(xué)者。
當(dāng)時(shí)的浙江,現(xiàn)在講起來實(shí)在是人文鼎盛。大致上可以把這些人納入浙東學(xué)派的核心:黃宗羲、萬斯大、萬斯同、邵廷采、全祖望、章學(xué)誠、邵晉涵等,他們基本生活在寧波、紹興一帶。浙西學(xué)者則有桐鄉(xiāng)張履祥、呂留良,錢塘應(yīng)為謙,平湖陸隴其,嘉興朱彝尊等。但無論浙西還是浙東,追溯一下,皆出自劉宗周,浙東學(xué)術(shù)偏重于史學(xué)研究,治史以經(jīng)史,“貴專家”;浙西學(xué)術(shù)則尊朱以經(jīng)世,“尚博雅”()。
在這里,結(jié)合當(dāng)時(shí)的時(shí)間點(diǎn),最為驚世駭俗的思想當(dāng)是黃宗羲所提出的:“天下為主,君為客”。他以為“天下之治亂,不在一姓之興亡,而在萬民之憂樂”,并主張以“天下之法”取代“一家之法”。這些想法,到了現(xiàn)在并不稀奇,但想到它所誕生的土壤是在明末清初,就會覺得驚訝。而此后不久,“清風(fēng)不識字”的文字獄正要張開猙獰之口。
二
亂世也許是思想啟蒙的最好時(shí)機(jī)。黃宗羲的這種思想,如果我們抽絲剝繭地去追尋,其源頭還是儒家思想的延伸,只是這思想被小心翼翼地捂了數(shù)千年,需要一個勇敢的人把它說出來,而黃宗羲恰好有這樣猛虎般的性格。
我們可以回頭看看他的青年時(shí)代。他的父親黃尊素,曾擔(dān)任過監(jiān)察御史,1626年年初,被誣告貪污后遭抓捕,隨后被拷打至死,年僅43歲。死后5天,他的尸體才被人從監(jiān)獄中挪出,當(dāng)時(shí)全身已經(jīng)腐爛,17歲的黃宗羲其時(shí)一直在獄外等候。兩年后,崇禎清除了魏忠賢等閹黨,開始為被害的東林黨人平反。血?dú)夥絼偟狞S宗羲回到京城后,在袖子里藏著一根鐵錐,以錐擊刺閹黨許顯純,毆打崔應(yīng)元。審訊閹黨李實(shí)之時(shí),又以錐刺李實(shí)……
但這種熱血之后,黃宗羲便沉靜下來。他師從儒學(xué)大家劉宗周,得蕺山之學(xué),苦讀史書,由明代《十三朝實(shí)錄》開始,進(jìn)而遍讀“廿一史”。這樣讀史,對于整個中國社會歷史進(jìn)程的思考無疑是深邃的,后世被稱為“黃宗羲定律”的發(fā)現(xiàn)大概是他的悲憫所在:歷史上,賦稅改革歷朝歷代都有進(jìn)行,目的大多是為了減輕農(nóng)民負(fù)擔(dān),改善國家財(cái)政。但每次稅費(fèi)改革后,短時(shí)間內(nèi)農(nóng)民負(fù)擔(dān)確實(shí)有所下降,但隨后又增長到比改革前更高的水平,國家財(cái)政最后也得不到改善。
這種周而復(fù)始的循環(huán)仿佛一個死結(jié),國破山河在的時(shí)代也許給予他更多的思考。黃宗羲和同代人反清復(fù)明的故事這里不再多說,對于我而言,唯一有點(diǎn)疑惑的是他近50歲時(shí)的那年冬天,他渡海東赴日本長崎,乞求日本方面出兵。從日本黯然返回后,黃宗羲剃發(fā)歸順,或許他已知天命?在日本他的遭際是一個謎,他的思想發(fā)生了潛在的改變:為何而亡?
三
在黃宗羲這種思想的引導(dǎo)下,浙東學(xué)者對史學(xué)理論的研究最為引人注目,如黃宗羲認(rèn)為,歷史研究必須經(jīng)世致用,萬斯同強(qiáng)調(diào)生之謂變,全祖望主張旁羅博綜和推原其故。在黃宗羲等人看來,人生來就是自私自利的,因此君主和天下人具有平等的權(quán)利。君主的所謂“公天下”也只是他自己的私,“為天下之大害者,君而已矣?!薄跋蚴篃o君,人各得自私,人各得自利也?!?/p>
個性、個體、能力、注重實(shí)際,這些浙江人文精神的重要表征,大抵從“浙東學(xué)派”這里開始萌芽。而民富先于國富,反對空談義理,主張義利統(tǒng)一,這種傳承甚久的浙東之學(xué)早在兩宋就被朱熹斥為“專事功利”,但這契合商品社會的基本發(fā)展元素,也成為江浙一帶的文化基因和文化自覺。
在浙東學(xué)派的發(fā)源地,也就是寧波鄞州、余姚一帶,現(xiàn)在留有白云莊、龍虎草堂等遺址()可供追思。黃宗羲從日本歸來后,把反清的行動轉(zhuǎn)化為思想的啟蒙和文化的改造,他以為那個更加實(shí)際,比如他讓學(xué)生通過科舉進(jìn)入統(tǒng)治機(jī)構(gòu)發(fā)揮作用。他的兩個弟弟黃宗炎、黃宗會,他的好友呂留良等人,因此和他分道揚(yáng)鑣。
“大丈夫行事,論是非,不論利害;論順逆,不論成敗;論萬世,不論一生?!?/p>
“天下為主,君為客。然則為天下之大害者,君而已矣。為天下,非為君也;為萬民,非為一姓也?!?/p>
“山澤之利不必其盡取,刑賞之權(quán)不疑其旁落,(法律)貴不在朝廷也,賤不在草莽也?!?/p>
……
在怎樣的哀痛和沉思中,黃宗羲才能有這種先行者的真知灼見?也許在他的內(nèi)心,他寫了那么多的書,博古通今,卻依然是失敗的一生,所以到80歲之后,他留下遺囑:散發(fā)裸葬,躺在石棺里,期待軀體在死后迅速腐爛,塵歸塵,土歸土。
四
杭州屬于浙西,但在龍塢一地,當(dāng)年有翩翩公子江浩江道口,生性好飲,喜讀兵書,經(jīng)常挾酒興發(fā)表一些奇?zhèn)ベ脙?、見解?dú)到的言論與心得。從社會一般的角度去看,這個人有點(diǎn)不著調(diào)。好像也是,他并不把科舉功名很當(dāng)回事,注重和追求的是讀盡圣賢書,當(dāng)人們扼腕嘆息他的屢試不爽時(shí),他并不當(dāng)回事。
江浩,是黃宗羲引為知己的好友,黃宗羲到杭州,習(xí)慣寄宿于橫山江浩的蝶庵。
莊周夢蝶,人生如寄。蝶庵之名正是脫殼于此。正如李商隱在《錦瑟》中說,“莊生曉夢迷蝴蝶”,世事如夢,青春空逝,惆悵難免,迷茫難免。江浩對時(shí)局有著更清晰的認(rèn)識和疼痛。他曾擬寫了一份“萬言書”,準(zhǔn)備上交朝廷,以圖重振朝綱,但最終卻放棄了。也許在他看來,朝局非個人之力所能挽回,即使他的萬言書能夠抵達(dá)皇帝陛下的手中,但又能如何?
和黃宗羲一樣,明亡后,江浩深入到位于橫山(位于杭州城西靈隱、天竺群山的更西面)的深山密林中,住進(jìn)一處小屋。江浩削發(fā)為僧,法名濟(jì)月,從此身不出山,天天誦讀佛經(jīng),絕口不談山外世事。除了少數(shù)追隨他的弟子,世人也許已經(jīng)遺忘了這個翩翩濁世佳公子。好些年后,江浩預(yù)感到了自己的死,他甚至有所期待:“天下如是,我哭也無益。大概自己也不久于人世了吧!”他終于化蝶而去。那是個虛空的所在。
許多年后,人到晚年的黃宗羲,有一回重過杭城,在江浩的長眠之地涕然淚下,賦《過馮儼公悰江道口浩墓下》一首:“廿年靈隱山中土,我向此間尚淚傾。聞道野僧燒紙燭,更無片石志生平。三番東渡交情在,一開西湖秋月明。歷歷難忘當(dāng)日事,白頭愧我尚零??!”
時(shí)光荏苒,歲月如梭,但有些人,在時(shí)間里,他們依然活著,仿佛光和影的流逝。就像黃宗羲寫過的一首絕句:“倦鉤簾幕晝沉沉,難向庸醫(yī)話病深。不信詩人容易瘦,一春花鳥總關(guān)心?!?/p>
(本文圖片來自視覺中國)
Huang Zongxi and Eastern Zhejiang School
By Li Yucong
In a strict sense, the Eastern Zhejiang School includes scholars of the early Qing (1644-1911) such as Huang Zongxi, Wan Sida, Wan Sitong, Shao Tingcai, Quan Zuwang, Zheng Xuecheng, and Shao Jinhan. And all of them looked up on Liu Zongzhou (1578-1645) as their mentor, a native of eastern Zhejiang.
The most outstanding of the scholars is Huang Zongxi. Huang became a devoted disciple of Liu Zongzhou in 1626 and proponent of the Wang Yangming School.
Present-day Ningbo and Shaoxing, a region southeast of the Qiantang River, is traditionally called eastern Zhejiang and boasts an academic tradition which dates back to times much earlier. In the Song Dynasty (960-1279), the Siming School flourished; in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), Wang Yangming and fellow scholars led the country in philosophy and academic studies. The values and focuses they started with were carried on and enriched in following centuries by scholars of eastern Zhejiang. For example, Wang Yangming, a native of present-day Yuyao which is a county-level municipality in Ningbo, insisted that scholars should be pragmatic and serve the country well. Huang Zongxi inherited the idea and promoted that the purpose of academic study was to apply study results to the governance of the country and benefit people.
Huang Zongxi was a scholar ahead of his time. His ideas appeared astoundingly revolutionary in his time, though these ideas sound commonplace today. He remarked that emperors were just guests whereas the nation was the host, that peoples concerns and happiness determined the rise or the fall of a dynasty, and that the fate of an imperial house did not matter. Huangs ideas can be traced back to Confucius, but he was brave enough to make such bold statements.
Huang was a man of courage and action in his youth years. He revenged for his father who had died in prison. He fought the Qing Dynasty after the Ming Dynasty went to pieces. And then he retired to a life of academic pursuit. During his history study under the guidance of Liu Zongzhou, he had noticed the issue of taxation in the past dynasties. In history, new dynasties tended to reform the taxation system left over from the past in order to reduce the burden on people and improve national revenue. Such reforms reduced taxes only briefly. Shortly afterwards, new taxes were introduced and yet the national revenue did not have a chance to improve. Heavy taxes eventually toppled a dynasty. Such vicious cycles, first noticed by Wang, caught the attention of scholars in China in the 1990s. Contemporary scholars have summarized Huangs idea into something called the Law of Huang Zongxi. Some even go so far as to consider Huang a pioneer of ideological enlightenment in the history of China.
Huang and other scholars of the Eastern Zhejiang School said a lot about the pursuit of individual interests and wealth, equality, and pragmatism. They argued against empty talk and orthodox theories which set the pursuit of Confucian principle against pursuit of what was right and what was good for the public and dismissed thereof. They emphasized the integration of the two quests. They considered industry and commerce as vital components of the societal foundation in sharp contrast with the traditional idea that only agriculture was the foundation of society.
Their arguments have long been part of the regional culture of Zhejiang. The province spawned generations of merchants and craftsmen and traders and scholars in the feudal past and became a bold pioneer in the reform and opening up to the outside world since the late 1970s.
It would be difficult to say for sure whether Zhejiang, a land of abundance and enterprising people since very ancient times, spawned the tradition of pragmatism, commerce, craftsmanship, and entrepreneurship long before such a tradition gave birth to scholars who theorized, verbalized and advocated such ideas and practices, or whether scholars like Wang Yangming and Huang Zongxi spawned the tradition and stood up for the tradition.
Yinzhou and Yuyao, two important cities in Ningbo, are home to some relics of historical and cultural interests which highlight and commemorate the scholars of the Eastern Zhejiang School. The Longquan Hill in the center of Yuyao hosts four statues that glorify Yang Ziliang, Wang Yangming, Zhu Shunshui and Huang Zongxi. On the southern slope stands a building first constructed in the Five Dynasties (907-960) where Wang Yangming once gave lectures. Now the building is a library named after Huang Zongxi.