文/Douglas de Castro（巴西） 譯/王湘玥

當(dāng)前，人類活動(dòng)引發(fā)的全球極端自然事件正給我們帶來生存威脅。同時(shí)，有一種說法認(rèn)為，中國(guó)對(duì)于可持續(xù)發(fā)展的承諾可為解決此問題作出貢獻(xiàn)。

在其情節(jié)虛構(gòu)但靈感來源于現(xiàn)實(shí)的《西方文明的崩潰》一書中，奧萊斯基和康韋清晰地描述了有關(guān)氣候變化的種種事項(xiàng)的性質(zhì)。書中講述了西方文明究竟是如何對(duì)待氣候危機(jī)的，以至于其最終使人類陷入不可逆轉(zhuǎn)、令人不適的境地。該書共分為三個(gè)部分：半陰影期的到來（否認(rèn)氣候變化是“真正”問題的時(shí)期），化石燃料的肆虐（認(rèn)為消耗化石燃料不是問題所在），以及市場(chǎng)失靈（如《歷史之終結(jié)與最后一人》中揭示的，資本主義的發(fā)展不受約束?！暗蔚翁?、酸雨、臭氧層消耗和氣候變化等問題帶來的毒害作用都很嚴(yán)重，然而市場(chǎng)并沒有對(duì)此提出解決方案”）。

在描繪了以上無法避免的黑暗情景之后，作者為我們點(diǎn)明了唯一一個(gè)有機(jī)會(huì)在全球大崩潰中幸存的國(guó)家：中國(guó)。其理由是，中國(guó)在走向自由的同時(shí)擁有強(qiáng)有力的中央政府，因此在面臨環(huán)境災(zāi)難時(shí)可以調(diào)動(dòng)全部資源來保護(hù)公民和經(jīng)濟(jì)。這難道不正如我們本次看到中國(guó)成功抗擊新冠肺炎疫情一樣嗎？

自然的物化

在一篇學(xué)術(shù)文章中，我闡述了萬隆精神對(duì)于全球南方國(guó)家間合作的重要性，即擁有團(tuán)結(jié)合作和抵抗壓迫精神的重要性。無論是在1995年還是今天，這兩種精神都是必要的。眾多發(fā)展中國(guó)家與發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家打交道時(shí)面臨相似境況，收到的只是更多的空頭承諾，都讓他們?cè)絹碓绞＠?009年哥本哈根會(huì)議上，發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家承諾為幫助發(fā)展中國(guó)家適應(yīng)和減緩氣候變化而投資。

目前，環(huán)境問題的處理都以復(fù)雜而冷酷的現(xiàn)實(shí)主義國(guó)際關(guān)系理論為基礎(chǔ)，即認(rèn)定國(guó)際體系處于無政府狀態(tài)；因此，每個(gè)國(guó)家都在不惜一切代價(jià)謀求生存。但是與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)國(guó)家主席習(xí)近平提出：“要摒棄零和游戲、你輸我贏的舊思維，樹立雙贏、共贏的新理念，在追求自身利益時(shí)兼顧地方利益，在尋求自身發(fā)展時(shí)促進(jìn)共同發(fā)展。”

There is a clear understanding of the existential threat faced by mankind due to extreme natural events around the globe caused by anthropogenic activities. Also, there is an understanding that China can contribute due to its commitment to sustainable development.

In the fictional yet based on reality book, Oreskes and Conway provided a clear picture of the nature of things regarding climate change. The authors tell how Western civilization approached the climate crisis that ultimately led to mankind’s irreversible and unpleasant state of things. The book has three parts: The Coming of the Penumbral Age (the state of denial that climate change is a “real” problem);The Frenzy of Fossil Fuels (consumption is not the problem);and Market Failure (there is no limitation for capitalism as revealed in. “The toxic effects of DDT, acid rain, the depletion of the ozone layer, and climate change were serious problems for which markets did not provide a spontaneous remedy” ) .

After laying down the unavoidable and dark scenario, the authors present the only country that had the chance to survive the Great Collapse: China. The logic behind the county’s survival is the steps towards liberalization while retaining a strong central government that could mobilize all the resources to protect its citizens and the economy in a period of environmental disaster. Isn’t this the same we observe how successfully China is handling Covid-19?

The Objectification of Nature

In one of my academic writings, I have argued the vital role of the spirit of Bandung in the cooperation among countries in the Global South, based on the premises of solidarity and resistance. Both premises are as essential today as they were in 1955.But unfortunately, the developed countries’ shared experiences in their dealings with the developed ones continue to cause disappointment and more empty promises, such as the investment commitments made by the developed countries in Copenhagen in 2009 to finance climate change adaptation and mitigation in the developing ones.

本文作者，蘭州大學(xué)法學(xué)院國(guó)際法教授Douglas de Castro

發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家和發(fā)展中國(guó)家對(duì)發(fā)展的認(rèn)識(shí)和期望存在分歧，自然界還被認(rèn)為是一種可以被攫取和利用的資源。下面我將闡述一些我對(duì)于這種差異的思考。

自歐洲大航海時(shí)代初期，就出現(xiàn)了將自然界與人類社會(huì)的概念分開的系統(tǒng)性思想運(yùn)動(dòng)。能夠囊括人類在內(nèi)的“自然”一詞，被指人類周遭事物的“環(huán)境”一詞取代。甚至我們今天使用“自然”一詞時(shí)，也是在將人定義為某物的外部觀察者。正如雷蒙德·威利安在其影響深遠(yuǎn)的《自然的思想》一書中指出：“我們說，自然界的小小震動(dòng)能使整個(gè)世界緊密相連，但通常情況下，當(dāng)我們使用‘自然’一詞的時(shí)候，也把自己包括進(jìn)去了嗎？”

這種現(xiàn)象被稱為自然的物化，即只將它視作服務(wù)于人類意圖的物體，并且如今人們對(duì)自然的掠奪和中世紀(jì)歐洲帝國(guó)強(qiáng)取豪奪的行為一樣兇猛。想要占有更多的無盡欲望使自然界處于危險(xiǎn)之中，因此，他們將感知到的世界定義成一種由盲目、無止境和惡性形而上學(xué)的欲望催生的產(chǎn)物，而這種欲望最終將導(dǎo)致我們死亡。

出于管理和規(guī)范自然界和人類社會(huì)互動(dòng)行為的需要，國(guó)際法誕生了。對(duì)此，我直接引用馬考·穆圖阿的原話：“國(guó)際法的制度是不合法的?！闭媸侵苯亓水?dāng)。他接著解釋了為何對(duì)國(guó)際法作出如此激烈的評(píng)論：

“它是一個(gè)掠奪性系統(tǒng)，將西方對(duì)第三世界的掠奪以及后者相對(duì)于前者的從屬地位合法化，還讓這種情況不斷重現(xiàn)、一直持續(xù)。無論是它的普遍性還是其對(duì)全球秩序和穩(wěn)定的承諾，都沒有使國(guó)際法成為對(duì)第三世界而言公正、公平和合法的全球治理準(zhǔn)則?！?/p>

Dealing with the environment nowadays is based on the complex and cold realist theory of global relations, which assumes that the international system is anarchical; thus, each country seeks its survival at all costs. But on the other hand, Chinese president, Xi Jinping, explained that we should do away with the zero-sum game and win-or-lose mentality, establish a new concept of win-win and all-win, and care for other’s interests while seeking one’s interests and promote joint development while pursuing one’s development.

In addition to the dissociation between developed and developing countries regarding perceptions and expectations of overdevelopment, the natural world is perceived as a source of things to grab and use. Let me lay down some considerations about this dissociation.

Since the dawn of the European navigations period, there has been a systematic movement to detach the natural world from the social one. The term “nature,” which includes the human species, has been substituted by “the environment,” which implies the things surrounding humanity. Even the usage of the term nature nowadays implicates positioning the man as an outside observer of an object, which Raymond Williams has noted in his seminal work: “One touch of nature may make the whole world kin, but usually, when we say nature, do we mean to include ourselves?”

This phenomenon is known as the objectification of nature, a mere object to serve the purposes of mankind, which nowadays possess the same ferocity as in the plundering initiated by the European empires in the medieval. The unstoppable desire to keep more and more puts the natural world at risk, thus, characterizing the perceived world as the product of a blind, insatiable, and malignant metaphysical desire that ultimately leads to death.

The need to regulate and provide some order to the encounter between the natural and social worlds provided the grounds for the emergence of international law. There is no easy or polite way to say this, so I will reproduce what Makau Mutua uttered:“The international law regime is illegitimate.” He continues to explain the reasons for such a strong statement about international law:

“It is a predatory system that legitimizes, reproduces, and sustains the plunder and subordination of the Third World by the West. Neither universality nor its promise of global order and stability makes international law a just, equitable, and legitimate code of global governance for the Third World.”

For instance,(1900) was drafted by European hunters interested in the “sustainability” of hunting resources in Africa. Nowadays,(CITES-1973) has the sustainability of the trade as its core business.

例如，《保護(hù)非洲野生動(dòng)物、鳥類和魚類公約》（1900年）是由對(duì)非洲狩獵資源的“可持續(xù)性”感興趣的歐洲獵人起草的。如今，《瀕危物種國(guó)際貿(mào)易公約》（CITES-1973）將該貿(mào)易的可持續(xù)性作為核心業(yè)務(wù)。

這一趨勢(shì)同樣也適用于氣候變化問題和有關(guān)生物多樣性的國(guó)際制度。到目前為止，我所闡述的評(píng)論包含兩層含義：一是讓人們意識(shí)到現(xiàn)行國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)中的陷阱，二是尋找替代方案（我不是一個(gè)為了解構(gòu)而解構(gòu)的后實(shí)證主義者——我們確實(shí)需要承認(rèn)國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)中有好的地方，但也迫切需要找到替代方案來使它更完善）。

正如開頭提到的《西方文明的崩潰》所述，我認(rèn)為該替代方案需要理解兩個(gè)概念，對(duì)這兩個(gè)概念的理解也是中國(guó)在過去十年中成功處理環(huán)境問題的根本原因，即生態(tài)文明建設(shè)和人類命運(yùn)共同體。

推進(jìn)生態(tài)文明建設(shè)

習(xí)近平主席在2013年5月24日十八屆中共中央政治局第六次集體學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)強(qiáng)調(diào)，要“樹立尊重自然、順應(yīng)自然、保護(hù)自然的生態(tài)文明理念，堅(jiān)持節(jié)約資源和保護(hù)環(huán)境的基本國(guó)策，堅(jiān)持節(jié)約優(yōu)先、保護(hù)優(yōu)先、自然恢復(fù)為主的方針”。

此后，習(xí)近平主席的講話都是在兩個(gè)維度上落實(shí)生態(tài)文明的理念：一是在敘述上，將自然、環(huán)境、生態(tài)等詞語在意義上進(jìn)行關(guān)聯(lián)性的發(fā)揮；二是提供能夠組織和規(guī)范社會(huì)力量的法律框架，來完成這一目標(biāo)。接下來，我將探討最新的法律框架。

2018年3月，新修訂的中國(guó)憲法吸納了“生態(tài)文明建設(shè)”的概念，這是中國(guó)自1954年以來第五次修憲。該修正體現(xiàn)了最高法律層面對(duì)于生態(tài)問題的高度重視，也體現(xiàn)了中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義事業(yè)總體布局——“五位一體”的憲法化進(jìn)程。

生態(tài)文明的理念在于，人類可以從自然中獲益，同時(shí)為自然創(chuàng)造財(cái)富。換句話說，人類必須在與自然的和諧互動(dòng)的同時(shí)保護(hù)自然。

這次修憲沒有采取傳統(tǒng)的在“環(huán)境權(quán)”上做改動(dòng)的方法，而是采用了“國(guó)家目標(biāo)條款”的形式來保證“生態(tài)文明建設(shè)”，通過規(guī)定強(qiáng)制義務(wù)讓公民保護(hù)環(huán)境。人類在利用自然資源獲得經(jīng)濟(jì)利益的時(shí)候，不可避免地會(huì)對(duì)環(huán)境造成傷害，這個(gè)矛盾也是短期內(nèi)經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮與長(zhǎng)期不經(jīng)濟(jì)之間的矛盾。因此，人口、經(jīng)濟(jì)、資源和環(huán)境會(huì)失去最佳平衡。這時(shí)，就需要政府這只“看得見的手”進(jìn)行合理干預(yù)，平衡這些方面，從而達(dá)到建設(shè)生態(tài)文明的目的。

The trend is true to climate change and biodiversity international regimes. The arguments I laid down so far have a twofold strategy: first, generate awareness of the existing traps in international institutions; second, question the existence of alternatives (I am not a post-positivist that wants to deconstruct just for the sake of deconstruction. On the contrary, it is necessary to recognize that there are good things in the international institutions and an urgent need to find alternatives to improve them).

As inthat I mentioned at the beginning, I believe that the alternative is to understand two concepts that are the essence of the success of China in dealing with the environmental issues in the last decade: ecological civilization and a community of shared future for mankind.

Promoting Ecological Civilization

President Xi Jinping, during the speech at the sixth group study session of the Political Bureau of the 18CPC Central Committee on May 24, 2013, uttered: “We must raise awareness of the need to respect, accommodate, and protect ourselves to nature,follow the basic state policy of resource conservation and environmental protection, and give high priority to conserving, protecting the environment and promoting its natural restoration.”

Since then, his speeches have been in the sense of operationalizing the concept of ecological civilization in two dimensions: one is in the narrative, which plays with the words nature, environment, and ecology as related in their meaning; and two, providing the legal framework to organize and regulate the societal efforts to accomplish the goal. I explore the latest legal framework below.

In March 2018, the Chinese Constitution was amended for the fifth time since 1954 to incorporate the “ecological civilization development” concept. The amendment marks a high degree of concern for ecological issues at the highest legal level and the constitutionalizing process of the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan for socialism with Chinese characteristics.

This Constitutional Amendment did not adopt the traditional “environmental rights” method. However, it used the form of a“national objective clause” to guarantee the “ecological civilization development” and realize the environmental protection of citizens by imposing obligations on the state. While gaining economic benefits in harvesting natural resources, humans inevitably cause harm to the environment, which is the conflict between economic blossoms in the short term and economic busts in the long run. As a result, the population, economy,resources, and environment lose the optimal balance. At this point, the government’s “visible hand” is needed to intervene reasonably to balance those aspects, thus, emerging the purpose of the concept of ecological civilization.

目前，新修訂的憲法構(gòu)成了中國(guó)處理“生態(tài)文明建設(shè)”的高級(jí)法律體系，其規(guī)范性和實(shí)質(zhì)性的規(guī)定貫穿于整個(gè)法律框架，用以指導(dǎo)政府在所有領(lǐng)域的行動(dòng)。接下來，我將介紹相關(guān)的憲法條款。

憲法序言介紹了更多與生態(tài)文明相關(guān)的概念，如“新發(fā)展理念”“富強(qiáng)民主文明和諧美麗”“社會(huì)主義現(xiàn)代化強(qiáng)國(guó)”“實(shí)現(xiàn)中華民族偉大復(fù)興”。序言體現(xiàn)了中國(guó)的國(guó)家使命和價(jià)值目標(biāo)，也統(tǒng)領(lǐng)著各項(xiàng)條款。

第9、10和26條提及了生態(tài)環(huán)境宏觀調(diào)控的“總則”。從法律規(guī)范的結(jié)構(gòu)來看，這些條款具有激勵(lì)人民、法人和政府行為的綱領(lǐng)性意義（體現(xiàn)了序言的精神），具體內(nèi)容如下。第9條規(guī)定：“國(guó)家保障自然資源的合理利用，保護(hù)珍貴的動(dòng)物和植物?！钡?0條規(guī)定：“一切使用土地的組織和個(gè)人必須合理地利用土地?！钡?6條規(guī)定：“國(guó)家保護(hù)和改善生活環(huán)境和生態(tài)環(huán)境，防治污染和其他公害?！?/p>

第89條是以正面列舉的形式對(duì)國(guó)務(wù)院的職能和權(quán)力進(jìn)行的強(qiáng)制性規(guī)范。它是國(guó)家機(jī)關(guān)履行憲法序言中“生態(tài)文明建設(shè)”義務(wù)的具體形式，規(guī)定了“（六）領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和管理經(jīng)濟(jì)工作和城鄉(xiāng)建設(shè)、生態(tài)文明建設(shè)”。

2018年的憲法修正案包括了以發(fā)展中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義為特征的“五位一體”總體布局，包含經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)、政治建設(shè)、文化建設(shè)、社會(huì)建設(shè)和生態(tài)文明建設(shè)。該布局被提升至憲法地位，也使得現(xiàn)代中國(guó)的發(fā)展理念，如習(xí)近平主席關(guān)于建設(shè)社會(huì)主義生態(tài)文明的思想，和中國(guó)的傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值觀聯(lián)系得更加緊密。

2017年，中國(guó)中央政府出臺(tái)了一份比起綱領(lǐng)性更偏實(shí)際性的文件——《生態(tài)保護(hù)紅線劃定指南》。文件包含了相關(guān)執(zhí)行規(guī)定，強(qiáng)調(diào)通過一致的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來管理所有重要的環(huán)境空間。

生態(tài)保護(hù)紅線是國(guó)家生物安全的生命線，對(duì)空間規(guī)劃至關(guān)重要。對(duì)該紅線的規(guī)劃和執(zhí)行是落實(shí)生態(tài)功能區(qū)劃和其用途管制系統(tǒng)的關(guān)鍵舉措，在保障中國(guó)生物安全的同時(shí)，促進(jìn)提高生態(tài)產(chǎn)品供給能力以及為生態(tài)系統(tǒng)提供服務(wù)。這是一種在促進(jìn)中國(guó)綠色發(fā)展的同時(shí)也能推動(dòng)生態(tài)文明建設(shè)的制度創(chuàng)新。

分階段來看，2005—2011年，＜，盡管海南省旅游經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展滯后于生態(tài)環(huán)境的保護(hù)和建設(shè)力度，但是增長(zhǎng)速度較快，且蘊(yùn)含著極大的發(fā)展?jié)摿Γ?012—2015年，＞，海南省生態(tài)環(huán)境的保護(hù)和建設(shè)滯后于旅游經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展，表明自2010年國(guó)際旅游島建設(shè)上升為國(guó)家戰(zhàn)略以后，旅游經(jīng)濟(jì)繼續(xù)保持穩(wěn)定大幅度增長(zhǎng)，但是隨著旅游業(yè)規(guī)模的不斷擴(kuò)大和發(fā)展，生態(tài)環(huán)境質(zhì)量也在不斷下滑，不過從2015年開始出現(xiàn)的小幅上升表明了海南省對(duì)于生態(tài)環(huán)境保護(hù)意識(shí)的覺醒。

The Constitution currently forms the higher legal system in the land dealing with the “ecological civilization development” by normative and substantive regulation that permeates the entire legal framework and directs the government’s actions in all spheres of power. In the following paragraphs, I will introduce the constitutional provisions related to the concept.

The preamble of the Constitution brings additional concepts that are connected to the ecological civilization, such as “new development,” “beautiful China,” “a great modern socialist country,” “realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.”It belongs to the part of China’s national tasks which embodies China’s value goals and plays a commanding role in the articles of the Constitution.

Articles 9, 10, and 26 refer to the “General Principles” of the Constitution related to macro-control of the ecological environment. From the perspective of the structure of the legal norms,these articles are programmatic in the sense of incentivizing the behavior of people, legal entities, and government. Article 9 states that “the state shall ensure the rational use of natural resources and protect rare animals and plants.” Article 10 prescribes that “all organizations and individuals using land must use it appropriately.” Article 26 utters that “the state shall protect and improve living environments and the ecological environment, and prevent and control pollution and other public hazards. The state shall organize and encourage afforestation and protect forests.”

Article 89 is a mandatory norm for the functions and powers of the State Council in the form of positive enumeration. It is the specific form in the state institutions of the state’s obligation of“ecological civilization development” in the preamble of the Constitution, stating the duty in “(6) directing and managing economic work, urban and rural development, and ecological conservation.”

The amendment of the Constitution of 2018 includes the Fivesphere Integrated Plan that features the development of so-cialism with Chinese characteristics encompassing economic,political, cultural, social, and ecological development, thus, elevating the plan to constitutional status. Furthermore, the plan brings closer the traditional values and modern understandings of China as encapsulated in the thoughts of President Xi Jinping about the socialist approach to an ecological civilization.

2018年3月，新修訂的中國(guó)憲法納入“生態(tài)文明建設(shè)”的概念。圖為在大熊貓國(guó)家公園拍攝到的野生大熊貓活動(dòng)畫面（新華社發(fā) 甘肅白水江國(guó)家級(jí)自然保護(hù)區(qū)管理局供圖）

構(gòu)建人類命運(yùn)共同體

人類命運(yùn)共同體的理念已經(jīng)被納入中國(guó)政策，成為新時(shí)代中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義理論體系的一部分。

2013年3月23日，習(xí)近平主席在莫斯科國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)院發(fā)表演講，首次提出了“人類命運(yùn)共同體”的概念。此后，中共中央和習(xí)近平總書記不斷推廣其內(nèi)涵，包括修改法律。

在黨的十九屆四中全會(huì)上，習(xí)近平總書記強(qiáng)調(diào)要“堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立自主和對(duì)外開放相統(tǒng)一，積極參與全球治理，繼續(xù)為構(gòu)建人類命運(yùn)共同體不斷作出貢獻(xiàn)”。這一概念已成為中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義理論體系和法律體系的一部分。

人類命運(yùn)共同體的概念對(duì)全球政策的影響力與日俱增，特別是在“一帶一路”倡議（BRI）上，其向“綠色立場(chǎng)”的轉(zhuǎn)變受到了“一帶一路”綠色發(fā)展國(guó)際聯(lián)盟的支持，也因此得到了聯(lián)合國(guó)的全力支持。近年來，這一概念出現(xiàn)在《對(duì)外投資合作建設(shè)項(xiàng)目生態(tài)環(huán)境保護(hù)指南》中，出于加強(qiáng)環(huán)境保護(hù)的目的，對(duì)向金磚國(guó)家的投資進(jìn)行了調(diào)整。

在國(guó)際法領(lǐng)域，人類命運(yùn)共同體發(fā)揮著以下幾個(gè)作用。第一，是全球治理的組成部分，對(duì)當(dāng)代國(guó)際法的發(fā)展至關(guān)重要。第二，共商共建共享的“三共”原則是構(gòu)建人類命運(yùn)共同體的基石；因此，它們可能有助于改善現(xiàn)行的國(guó)際法原則。第三，是一個(gè)能使聯(lián)合國(guó)進(jìn)行改革、支持多邊立場(chǎng)的契機(jī)。

From a programmatic stance to a more practical one, the Chinese central government issued a guideline for an ecological red line strategy in 2017, which contains provisions to enforce the lines for the protection of the ecosystems, to manage all significant environmental spaces with consistent standards.

The red lines are the lifelines of state biological security, essential for space planning. Drawing and enforcing them are critical moves to implement the systems of functional zoning and use control of the ecological space, which are adequate to help expand the capacity to supply eco-products and provide services to the ecosystems while building up China’s biological security.It constitutes an institutional innovation that can also boost the building of the ecological civilization while promoting China’s green development.

Building a Community of Shared Future for Mankind

The vision of building a community of shared future for mankind was incorporated into the Chinese policies. It became part of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era.

The concept of a community of shared future for mankind was first proposed on March 23, 2013, when President Xi Jinping delivered a speech at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. Since then, the Party Central Committee and General Secretary Xi Jinping have propagated its tenets, including introducing changes in the legislation.

At the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19Central Committee of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized the need to “adhere to the integration of independence and openness,actively participate in global governance, and continue to contribute to the building of a community with a shared future for mankind”. As a result, the concept has become an integral part of the theoretical and legal system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Its global influence as a policy has been increased gradually,especially considering the shift in the Belt Road Initiative (BRI)to a green stance that received full support from the United Nations through the Belt and Road Initiative International Green Development Coalition. More recently, the concept emerged in, which calibrates the investments in BRI countries to increase environmental protection.

2021年10月，2020年聯(lián)合國(guó)生物多樣性大會(huì)生態(tài)文明論壇在昆明舉行（新華社記者 王南 攝）

總體而言，目前法學(xué)界對(duì)人類命運(yùn)共同體理念的研究，大多是從宏觀層面來探討構(gòu)建人類命運(yùn)共同體的法律路徑，缺乏對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化、生態(tài)環(huán)境等具體領(lǐng)域的研究。在人類命運(yùn)共同體的五個(gè)組成部分——經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化、政治、安全、生態(tài)中，生態(tài)占據(jù)基礎(chǔ)性地位。一個(gè)干凈美麗的世界和適宜的生活環(huán)境是享受其他方面的絕對(duì)前提。

當(dāng)今全球日益嚴(yán)峻的環(huán)境挑戰(zhàn)對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家的影響不容忽視。并且，這些潛在的影響正不分國(guó)界沖擊著所有國(guó)家。

由于國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)在面對(duì)需要緊迫性和特定處理方式的全球環(huán)境問題時(shí)相對(duì)效率低下，我開始了尋找替代方案的研究。而在這些替代方案中，生態(tài)文明建設(shè)和人類命運(yùn)共同體成為我的首選，為我提供了不同的理論視角和可觀察的實(shí)驗(yàn)論據(jù)。

中國(guó)正在成為國(guó)際體系中制定未來方案的國(guó)家。盡管這一事實(shí)給其他國(guó)家尤其是美國(guó)，帶來了一些不適，但中國(guó)正在為全球環(huán)境治理作出重大貢獻(xiàn)。首先是通過自己做功課，其次是將這些成果在國(guó)際層面上推廣。

在我看來，這非常有可能提高國(guó)際環(huán)境法的監(jiān)管效率，因?yàn)樗{入了建設(shè)生態(tài)文明和人類命運(yùn)共同體這樣不同的世界觀和價(jià)值觀；肯定會(huì)使傳統(tǒng)的國(guó)際法更具包容性。

A community of shared future for mankind assumes several directions in international law. First, it is a building block to global governance, essential to the concept of development in contemporary international law. Second, the “three communist principles” of consultation, joint construction, and sharing are the cornerstone of building a community of shared future for mankind; thus, they might help create traction with the existing principles of international law. Third, it is an opportunity to pass reforms in the United Nations that incorporate its multilateral stances.

Most current research on the community of shared future in the legal field explores the legal path of constructing a community of shared future for mankind from the macro level and lacks research in specific areas such as economy, culture, and ecological environment. Among the five components of a community of shared future for mankind: economy, culture, politics, security,and ecology, the ecological environment is in a fundamental position. A clean and beautiful world and a suitable living environment are essential for enjoying other aspects.

In today’s increasingly global severe environmental challenges, the impacts on developing countries cannot be disregarded or left behind. Moreover, the insidious effects are hitting all the nations with no respect for territorial boundaries of sovereignty.

The relative inefficiency of the international institutions in dealing with the global environmental issues with the urgency and manner required led me to explore alternatives in my research agenda. Among the other options, the ecological civilization and a community of shared future for mankind become the top of my list, opening different theoretical perspectives and observable empirical evidence.

China is becoming an agenda-setting country in the international system. Although this reality brings some discomfort to other nations, especially the United States, China is making significant contributions to the global governance of the environment, first, by doing its homework, and second, by projecting these gains to the international dimension.

There is solid potential to increase the regulatory efficiency of international environmental law by incorporating alternative worldviews and values of ecological civilization and a community of shared future for mankind. That for sure will make traditional international law a more inclusive institution.